Selvom svenske borgerlige ikke er noget hĂ„b mht. indvandringsfadĂŠsen* (kraftigere udtryk ligger Ă©n pĂ„ lĂŠben), sĂ„ er Folkpartiet dog dem der momentvist har vĂŠret nĂŠrmest til at stille en realistisk diagnose pĂ„ elendigheden. Men som deres borgerligt liberale venner, iagtager de det allestĂžrste hensyn til “anstĂŠndigheden”. Hvor anstĂŠndigt man mĂ„ udtrykke sig, fremgik af det underligt halvhjertede ” sprogkrav” fra valgkampen 2002. Og nĂ„r FP endelig sĂžsĂŠtter noget “kontroversielt”, sender de indvandrermedlemmer i marken, ud fra den besynderlige tese, at kun hvide svenskere vĂŠre racister.Det er iĂžvrigt noget af det virkeligt slĂ„ende ved svenske borgerlige – at de mest minder om socialdemokrater af en anden aftapning, “uden et eget sprog”, som Roland Huntford skrev. Det oppositionelle skal ses med lup, hvad der kan fĂ„ Riksdagsdebatter til at virke som et mĂžde mellem fraktioner af samme forening.
Her er en nylig rapport jeg har overset af Folkpartiets integrationsordfĂžrer Maurijo Rojas:
Rapport:From Tutorial State to Enabling State
Few social experiments have caught the imagination of politicians and students of political economy like the âSwedish modelâ. To successive generations of the centre-left Sweden was something of a paradise. In the report -Sweden after the Swedish Model from Tutorial State to Enabling State, the renowned economic-historian Mauricio Rojas tells us the story of the rise and fall of the old Swedish model and introduces a debate over the present quest for a welfare society that combines fairness with freedom.
*(Moderaterna: “Det skal vĂŠre lettere at indvandre til Sverige”)
http://www.timbro.se/bokhandel/pdf/9175665891.pdf 93 sider. Maj 2005
Man kan ogsĂ„ nĂžjes med at lĂŠse Leijonborg og Rojas kronik fra dec 2004. PĂ„ nysvensk hedder ghetto “utsatt bostadsomrĂ„de”. De udsatte er dog snarere de svenskere for hvem det ikke er muligt at flytte:
“Explosiv ökning av antalet utsatta bostadsomrĂ„den”
Tiodubbling av omrÄdena med en extremt lÄg sysselsÀttningsnivÄ, visar ny kartlÀggning frÄn fp.
à r 1990 fanns det bara tre bostadsomrÄden i Sverige som kunde klassas som verkligt utsatta. I dag Àr de hela 136. Samtidigt har omrÄdena med en extremt lÄg sysselsÀttning, under 50 procent, ökat frÄn nio till 91.
SkĂ„ne har ovanligt mĂ„nga bostadsomrĂ„den som prĂ€glas av utanförskap. Det gĂ€ller Ă€ven VĂ€stmanlands, Ăstergötlands och Södermanlands lĂ€n – problemet nĂ„r numera lĂ„ngt utanför storstadsregionerna. Det visar en ny kartlĂ€ggning frĂ„n folkpartiet.
http://www.dn.se/DNet/jsp/polopoly.jsp?d=572&a=351097
en blogartikel, ikke uden pointer.Men han er ikke aflĂžnnet af diplomatiet:
Sweden: Fascism In Slow Motion
Editorial by John Ray
I have previously pointed out that modern-day Sweden is rather fun for conservatives to know about but what about the Sweden of the past? I argue below that the old Swedish model — the “folkhemmet” (people’s home) — gradually became a version of the Fascist “corporate State” with government, business and labor all intertwined to the detriment of the economy
“Although it is a commonplace that Hitler got good co-operation from Sweden both before and during the war, the idea that Sweden was itself in any sense Fascist must seem like one of the most absurd suggestions ever made. Has not Sweden been the great icon of the Democratic Left in the postwar period? It has indeed, though these days conservatives have better reasons for mentioning the Swedish experience than Leftists do.
Nonetheless, little-recognized though it might be, there are substantial reasons for seeing interwar Sweden as Fascist. Like all Fascisms, however, Swedish Fascism had its own unique national characteristics and its most unusual characteristic was how slowly it developed, with much of its development taking place AFTER WW2 rather than before.”
“So the Swedish folkhemmet State was welfarist, nationalist, paternalist and essentially all-powerful. Because it used its power very sparingly and cautiously, however, and respected civil liberties, it was undoubtedly the mildest of the Fascist States. And after the war it did as all Leftists did and abandoned overt nationalism — though a sense of Swedish superiority undoubtedly continued and discreetly made itself apparent from time to time.”
John Ray blogs at Dissecting Leftism
http://www.bloggernews.net/showstory.asp?page=blognews/stories/WP0000226.txt
