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Inkomna asylansökningar per månad under de senaste åren.

Månad  2008  2007  2006  2005  2004
januari  3194  3362 1556  1426  2310
februari 2210  2897 1579 1405  1942
mars     1650  2969 1878 1336 1980
april      2894   963   1246  1798

dertil  29 .515 opholdtilladelser p.g.a. familjeanknytning 2007, Migrationsverket. Hvor længe endnu er dette  et internt svensk anliggende ? Spill-over effekten er allerede betydelig. Seneste er kun få uger gammel: Spor fra Danmarkhistoriens  største røveri peger mod Sverige. En komprimeret motivanalyse af dette  tilsyneladende  vanvid:

“Sossarna importerade valboskap, moderaterna importerar s.k. flyktingar och blivande låglönearbetare som ska konkurrera ned lönerna. Allt för arbetsgivarna och om det Sverige som vi känner går förlorat spelar ingen roll, bara arbetsgivarna gör så stora vinster som möjligt.” GH

“Manden med det gigantiske skyldbehov”

hedder Thomas  Bredsdorfs  anmeldelse af endnu en Bergman-biografi. Problemet er let klaret, man skal bare  opføre sig som et rigtigt røvhul, så er den i kassen:

“En af hustruerne, mor til 4 børn, forlod han lidt hastigt. Efter flere måneders fravær fra hjemmet smuttede han forbi en eftermiddag for at meddele, at han var på vej til Paris med en ny. »Det var forfærdeligt«, sagde han, hver gang han kom ind på episoden. Men ellers ser han ikke ud til at have fortrudt noget på det familiære område. Bergman var til arbejde, ikke til familieliv.”

Stoppad Vilks fall för justitiekanslern

Eslövs kommun har anmälts till justitiekanslern, JK, för beslutet att stoppa konstnären Lars Vilks deltagande i konstbiennalen i Eslöv förra året. Projektledaren Fredrik Axwik och ytterligare två personer vill att JK prövar om Eslöv brutit mot grundlagen.  Skånskan

Kønsapartheid – statsfeminismen hejser det hvide flag

I paradeligestillingens hjemland trumfer “race” naturligvis køn, og islam trumfer alt og alle. Hvilken fuldstændig, men forudsigelig ynk. Signalet er oversat: Når man er statsfeminist, er det ok at bøje sig for patriarker, ellers ikke. Ordet “salamimetode” har været kendt i Danmark længe. Når Sverige engang får et sprog på dette område, vil det være anvendeligt på en hel del derovre. Dette er kun begyndelsen. Shariakravene – det åbne brev til alle partier, 2006 – er kun hvilende:

Det finns närmare 200 unga kvinnor med invandrarbakgrund i Umeå som inte tillåts gå på en fritidsgård som är öppen för både pojkar och flickor. Av oro och personlig osäkerhet säger deras föräldrar nej. Nu finns ett förslag som kanske kan ändra på detta, Tjejgården.

– Problemet är stort och påverkar många familjer, säger Annika Zschau som via invandrarföreningen Medborgarservice vill få till stånd ett projekt som ska visa om det finns behov av en fritidsgård i Umeå enbart för tjejer. […]
– De stannar hemma och uppfostras enligt den tradition som deras föräldrar tagit med sig från hemlandet. Utifrån svenska värderingar är de isolerade i sina hem, säger Annika Zschau.
Inga män
Verksamheten på Tjejgården kommer inte att skilja sig från andra fritidsgårdar, utom på en punkt.
– Inga andra män än flickornas pappor får tillträde, säger Annika Zschau.

Egen gård för tjejer som inte får träffa män via Mitt Sverige

Sverige et europæisk centrum for proformaægteskaber

Svenska myndigheter blundar för att tusentals utlänningar får uppehållstillstånd i Sverige via skengiften. Det hävdar polisintendent Marianne Paulsson i Halmstad.
Åtta av tio får ja. Migrationsverket fick i fjol in 20.584 ansökningar om uppehållstillstånd i samband med ”nyetablerade anknytningar”. Sydsvenskan

Bruce Bawer: “An Anatomy of Surrender”

Bawers essay er hovedsageligt deskriptivt. Det er straks værre , når man som El Inglés sætter fantasien i sving, og begynder at spekulere i fremtidsscenarier. Hans essay Surrender, Genocide… or What? har nu fået Pajamas Media til at bryde med Gates of Vienna, der publicerede det. Heraf kan man lære meget, bla at visse tanker og fremtidsfantasier, er så forfærdelige at de ikke må tænkes, ikke skrives og slet ikke af hvemsomhelst. Heller ikke selvom der ikke er tale om propageren for denne forfærdelige fremtid. Vi holder af “good to know” og “good to think” og Ingles er ikke den første fantasier er “bad to think”. Han indgår i en stolt engelsk tradition, der omfatter George Orwell, Antony Burgess, William Golding , Winston Churchill og Jonathan Swift, hvis epitafium kunne gælde dem alle:

Swift has sailed into his rest.
Savage indignation there
cannot lacerate his breast.
Imitate him if you dare,
world-besotted traveller.
He served human liberty

Bawers og Inglés´virkelighedbeskrivelser stemmer stort set overens:

Motivated by fear and multiculturalism, too many Westerners are acquiescing to creeping sharia.

Islam divides the world into two parts. The part governed by sharia, or Islamic law, is called the Dar al-Islam, or House of Submission. Everything else is the Dar al-Harb, or House of War, so called because it will take war—holy war, jihad—to bring it into the House of Submission. Over the centuries, this jihad has taken a variety of forms. Two centuries ago, for instance, Muslim pirates from North Africa captured ships and enslaved their crews, leading the U.S. to fight the Barbary Wars of 1801–05 and 1815. In recent decades, the jihadists’ weapon of choice has usually been the terrorist’s bomb; the use of planes as missiles on 9/11 was a variant of this method.

What has not been widely recognized is that the Ayatollah Khomeini’s 1989 fatwa against Satanic Verses author Salman Rushdie introduced a new kind of jihad. Instead of assaulting Western ships or buildings, Kho­meini took aim at a fundamental Western freedom: freedom of speech. In recent years, other Islamists have joined this crusade, seeking to undermine Western societies’ basic liberties and extend sharia within those societies.

The cultural jihadists have enjoyed disturbing success. Two events in particular—the 2004 assassination in Amsterdam of Theo van Gogh in retaliation for his film about Islam’s oppression of women, and the global wave of riots, murders, and vandalism that followed a Danish newspaper’s 2005 publication of cartoons satirizing Mohammed—have had a massive ripple effect throughout the West. Motivated variously, and doubtless sometimes simultaneously, by fear, misguided sympathy, and multicultural ideology—which teaches us to belittle our freedoms and to genuflect to non-Western cultures, however repressive—people at every level of Western society, but especially elites, have allowed concerns about what fundamentalist Muslims will feel, think, or do to influence their actions and expressions. These Westerners have begun, in other words, to internalize the strictures of sharia, and thus implicitly to accept the deferential status of dhimmis—infidels living in Muslim societies.

Call it a cultural surrender. The House of War is slowly—or not so slowly, in Europe’s case—being absorbed into the House of Submission.

The Western media are in the driver’s seat on this road to sharia. Often their approach is to argue that we’re the bad guys. After the late Dutch sociologist-turned-politician Pim Fortuyn sounded the alarm about the danger that Europe’s Islamization posed to democracy, elite journalists labeled him a threat. A New York Times headline described him as marching the dutch to the right. Dutch newspapers Het Parool and De Volkskrant compared him with Mussolini; Trouw likened him to Hitler. The man (a multiculturalist, not a Muslim) who murdered him in May 2002 seemed to echo such verdicts when explaining his motive: Fortuyn’s views on Islam, the killer insisted, were “dangerous.”

Perhaps no Western media outlet has exhibited this habit of moral inversion more regularly than the BBC. In 2006, to take a typical example, Manchester’s top imam told psychotherapist John Casson that he supported the death penalty for homosexuality. Casson expressed shock—and the BBC, in a dispatch headlined imam accused of “gay death” slur, spun the controversy as an effort by Casson to discredit Islam. The BBC concluded its story with comments from an Islamic Human Rights Commission spokesman, who equated Muslim attitudes toward homosexuality with those of “other orthodox religions, such as Catholicism” and complained that focusing on the issue was “part of demonizing Muslims.”

In June 2005, the BBC aired the documentary Don’t Panic, I’m Islamic, which sought to portray concerns about Islamic radicalism as overblown. This “stunning whitewash of radical Islam,” as Little Green Footballs blogger Charles Johnson put it, “helped keep the British public fast asleep, a few weeks before the bombs went off in London subways and buses” in July 2005. In December 2007, it emerged that five of the documentary’s subjects, served up on the show as examples of innocuous Muslims-next-door, had been charged in those terrorist attacks—and that BBC producers, though aware of their involvement after the attacks took place, had not reported important information about them to the police.

Press acquiescence to Muslim demands and threats is endemic. When the Mohammed cartoons—published in September 2005 by the Danish newspaper Jyllands-Posten to defy rising self-censorship after van Gogh’s murder—were answered by worldwide violence, only one major American newspaper, the Philadelphia Inquirer, joined such European dailies as Die Welt and El País in reprinting them as a gesture of free-speech solidarity. Editors who refused to run the images claimed that their motive was multicultural respect for Islam. Critic Christopher Hitchens believed otherwise, writing that he “knew quite a number of the editors concerned and can say for a certainty that the chief motive for ‘restraint’ was simple fear.” Exemplifying the new dhimmitude, whatever its motivation, was Norway’s leading cartoonist, Finn Graff, who had often depicted Israelis as Nazis, but who now vowed not to draw anything that might provoke Muslim wrath. (On a positive note, this February, over a dozen Danish newspapers, joined by a number of other papers around the world, reprinted one of the original cartoons as a free-speech gesture after the arrest of three people accused of plotting to kill the artist.)

Last year brought another cartoon crisis—this time over Swedish artist Lars Vilks’s drawings of Mohammed as a dog, which ambassadors from Muslim countries used as an excuse to demand speech limits in Sweden. CNN reporter Paula Newton suggested that perhaps “Vilks should have known better” because of the Jyllands-Posten incident—as if people who make art should naturally take their marching orders from people who make death threats. Meanwhile, The Economist depicted Vilks as an eccentric who shouldn’t be taken “too seriously” and noted approvingly that Sweden’s prime minister, unlike Denmark’s, invited the ambassadors “in for a chat.”

The elite media regularly underreport fundamentalist Muslim misbehavior or obfuscate its true nature. After the knighting of Rushdie in 2007 unleashed yet another wave of international Islamist mayhem, Tim Rutten wrote in the Los Angeles Times: “If you’re wondering why you haven’t been able to follow all the columns and editorials in the American press denouncing all this homicidal nonsense, it’s because there haven’t been any.” Or consider the riots that gripped immigrant suburbs in France in the autumn of 2005. These uprisings were largely assertions of Muslim authority over Muslim neighborhoods, and thus clearly jihadist in character. Yet weeks passed before many American press outlets mentioned them—and when they did, they de-emphasized the rioters’ Muslim identity (few cited the cries of “Allahu akbar,” for instance). Instead, they described the violence as an outburst of frustration over economic injustice.

When polls and studies of Muslims appear, the media often spin the results absurdly or drop them down the memory hole after a single news cycle. Journalists celebrated the results of a 2007 Pew poll showing that 80 percent of American Muslims aged 18 to 29 said that they opposed suicide bombing—even though the flip side, and the real story, was that a double-digit percentage of young American Muslims admitted that they supported it. u.s. muslims assimilated, opposed to extremism, the Washington Post rejoiced, echoing USA Today’s american muslims reject extremes. A 2006 Daily Telegraph survey showed that 40 percent of British Muslims wanted sharia in Britain—yet British reporters often write as though only a minuscule minority embraced such views.

After each major terrorist act since 9/11, the press has dutifully published stories about Western Muslims fearing an “anti-Muslim backlash”—thus neatly shifting the focus from Islamists’ real acts of violence to non-Muslims’ imaginary ones. (These backlashes, of course, never materialize.) While books by Islam experts like Bat Ye’or and Robert Spencer, who tell difficult truths about jihad and sharia, go unreviewed in newspapers like the New York Times, the elite press legitimizes thinkers like Karen Armstrong and John Esposito, whose sugarcoated representations of Islam should have been discredited for all time by 9/11. The Times described Armstrong’s hagiography of Mohammed as “a good place to start” learning about Islam; in July 2007, the Washington Post headlined a piece by Esposito want to understand islam? start here.

Mainstream outlets have also served up anodyne portraits of fundamentalist Muslim life. Witness Andrea Elliott’s affectionate three-part profile of a Brooklyn imam, which appeared in the New York Times in March 2006. Elliott and the Times sought to portray Reda Shata as a heroic bridge builder between two cultures, leaving readers with the comforting belief that the growth of Islam in America was not only harmless but positive, even beautiful. Though it emerged in passing that Shata didn’t speak English, refused to shake women’s hands, wanted to forbid music, and supported Hamas and suicide bombing, Elliott did her best to downplay such unpleasant details; instead, she focused on sympathetic personal particulars. “Islam came to him softly, in the rhythms of his grandmother’s voice”; “Mr. Shata discovered love 15 years ago. . . . ‘She entered my heart,‘ said the imam.” Elliott’s saccharine piece won a Pulitzer Prize. When Middle East scholar Daniel Pipes pointed out that Shata was obviously an Islamist, a writer for the Columbia Journalism Review dismissed Pipes as “right-wing” and insisted that Shata was “very moderate.”

So it goes in this upside-down, not-so-brave new media world: those who, if given the power, would subjugate infidels, oppress women, and execute apostates and homosexuals are “moderate” (a moderate, these days, apparently being anybody who doesn’t have explosives strapped to his body), while those who dare to call a spade a spade are “Islamophobes.”

The entertainment industry has been nearly as appalling. During World War II, Hollywood churned out scores of films that served the war effort, but today’s movies and TV shows, with very few exceptions, either tiptoe around Islam or whitewash it. In the whitewash category were two sitcoms that debuted in 2007, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s Little Mosque on the Prairie and CW’s Aliens in America. Both shows are about Muslims confronting anti-Muslim bigotry; both take it for granted that there’s no fundamentalist Islam problem in the West, but only an anti-Islam problem.

Muslim pressure groups have actively tried to keep movies and TV shows from portraying Islam as anything but a Religion of Peace. For example, the Council for American-Islamic Relations successfully lobbied Paramount Pictures to change the bad guys in The Sum of All Fears (2002) from Islamist terrorists to neo-Nazis, while Fox’s popular series 24, after Muslims complained about a story line depicting Islamic terrorists, ran cringe-worthy public-service announcements emphasizing how nonviolent Islam was. Earlier this year, Iranian-Danish actor Farshad Kholghi noted that, despite the cartoon controversy’s overwhelming impact on Denmark, “not a single movie has been made about the crisis, not a single play, not a single stand-up monologue.” Which, of course, is exactly what the cartoon jihadists wanted.

In April 2006, an episode of the animated series South Park admirably mocked the wave of self-censorship that followed the Jyllands-Posten crisis—but Comedy Central censored it, replacing an image of Mohammed with a black screen and an explanatory notice. According to series producer Anne Garefino, network executives frankly admitted that they were acting out of fear. “We were happy,” she told an interviewer, “that they didn’t try to claim that it was because of religious tolerance.”

Then there’s the art world. Postmodern artists who have always striven to shock and offend now maintain piously that Islam deserves “respect.” Museums and galleries have quietly taken down paintings that might upset Muslims and have put into storage manuscripts featuring images of Mohammed. London’s Whitechapel Art Gallery removed life-size nude dolls by surrealist artist Hans Bellmer from a 2006 exhibit just before its opening; the official excuse was “space constraints,” but the curator admitted that the real reason was fear that the nudity might offend the gallery’s Muslim neighbors. Last November, after the cancellation of a show in The Hague of artworks depicting gay men in Mohammed masks, the artist, Sooreh Hera, charged the museum with giving in to Muslim threats. Tim Marlow of London’s White Cube Gallery notes that such self-censorship by artists and museums is now common, though “very few people have explicitly admitted” it. British artist Grayson Perry, whose work has mercilessly mocked Christianity, is one who has—and his reluctance isn’t about multicultural sensitivity. “The reason I haven’t gone all out attacking Islamism in my art,” he told the Times of London, “is because I feel real fear that someone will slit my throat.”

Leading liberal intellectuals and academics have shown a striking willingness to betray liberal values when it comes to pacifying Muslims. Back in 2001, Unni Wikan, a distinguished Norwegian cultural anthropologist and Islam expert, responded to the high rate of Muslim-on-infidel rape in Oslo by exhorting women to “realize that we live in a multicultural society and adapt themselves to it.”

More recently, high-profile Europe experts Ian Buruma of Bard College and Timothy Garton Ash of Oxford, while furiously denying that they advocate cultural surrender, have embraced “accommodation,” which sounds like a distinction without a difference. In his book Murder in Amsterdam, Buruma approvingly quotes Amsterdam mayor Job Cohen’s call for “accommodation with the Muslims,” including those “who consciously discriminate against their women.” Sharia enshrines a Muslim man’s right to beat and rape his wife, to force marriages on his daughters, and to kill them if they resist. One wonders what female Muslims who immigrated to Europe to escape such barbarity think of this prescription.

Rowan Williams, the archbishop of Canterbury and one of Britain’s best-known public intellectuals, suggested in February the institution of a parallel system of sharia law in Britain. Since the Islamic Sharia Council already adjudicates Muslim marriages and divorces in the U.K., what Williams was proposing was, as he put it, “a much enhanced and quite sophisticated version of such a body, with increased resources.” Gratifyingly, his proposal, short on specifics and long on academic doublespeak (“I don’t think,” he told the BBC, “that we should instantly spring to the conclusion that the whole of that world of jurisprudence and practice is somehow monstrously incompatible with human rights, simply because it doesn’t immediately fit with how we understand it”) was greeted with public outrage.

Another prominent accommodationist is humanities professor Mark Lilla of Columbia University, author of an August 2007 essay in the New York Times Magazine so long and languorous, and written with such perfect academic dispassion, that many readers may have finished it without realizing that it charted a path leading straight to sharia. Muslims’ “full reconciliation with modern liberal democracy cannot be expected,” Lilla wrote. For the West, “coping is the order of the day, not defending high principle.”

Revealing in this light is Buruma’s and Garton Ash’s treatment of author Ayaan Hirsi Ali—perhaps the greatest living champion of Western freedom in the face of creeping jihad—and of the Europe-based Muslim scholar Tariq Ramadan. Because Hirsi Ali refuses to compromise on liberty, Garton Ash has called her a “simplistic . . . Enlightenment fundamentalist”—thus implicitly equating her with the Muslim fundamentalists who have threatened to kill her—while Buruma, in several New York Times pieces, has portrayed her as a petulant naif. (Both men have lately backed off somewhat.) On the other hand, the professors have rhapsodized over Ramadan’s supposed brilliance. They aren’t alone: though he’s clearly not the Westernized, urbane intellectual he seems to be—he refuses to condemn the stoning of adulteresses and clearly looks forward to a Europe under sharia—this grandson of Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna and protégé of Islamist scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi regularly wins praise in bien-pensant circles as representing the best hope for long-term concord between Western Muslims and non-Muslims.

This spring, Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, writing in the New York Times Magazine, actually gave two cheers for sharia. He contrasted it favorably with English common law, and described “the Islamists’ aspiration to renew old ideas of the rule of law” as “bold and noble.”

With the press, the entertainment industry, and prominent liberal thinkers all refusing to defend basic Western liberties, it’s not surprising that our political leaders have been pusillanimous, too. After a tiny Oslo newspaper, Magazinet, reprinted the Danish cartoons in early 2006, jihadists burned Norwegian flags and set fire to Norway’s embassy in Syria. Instead of standing up to the vandals, Norwegian leaders turned on Magazinet’s editor, Vebjørn Selbekk, partially blaming him for the embassy burning and pressing him to apologize. He finally gave way at a government-sponsored press conference, groveling before an assemblage of imams whose leader publicly forgave him and placed him under his protection. On that terrible day, Selbekk later acknowledged, “Norway went a long way toward allowing freedom of speech to become the Islamists’ hostage.” As if that capitulation weren’t disgrace enough, an official Norwegian delegation then traveled to Qatar and implored Qaradawi—a defender of suicide bombers and the murder of Jewish children—to accept Selbekk’s apology. “To meet Yusuf al-Qaradawi under the present circumstances,” Norwegian-Iraqi writer Walid al-Kubaisi protested, was “tantamount to granting extreme Islamists . . . a right of joint consultation regarding how Norway should be governed.”

The UN’s position on the question of speech versus “respect” for Islam was clear—and utterly at odds with its founding value of promoting human rights. “You don’t joke about other people’s religion,” Kofi Annan lectured soon after the Magazinet incident, echoing the sermons of innumerable imams, “and you must respect what is holy for other people.” In October 2006, at a UN panel discussion called “Cartooning for Peace,” Under Secretary General Shashi Tharoor proposed drawing “a very thin blue UN line . . . between freedom and responsibility.” (Americans might be forgiven for wondering whether that line would strike through the First Amendment.) And in 2007, the UN’s Human Rights Council passed a Pakistani motion prohibiting defamation of religion.

Other Western government leaders have promoted the expansion of the Dar al-Islam. In September 2006, when philosophy teacher Robert Redeker went into hiding after receiving death threats over a Le Figaro op-ed on Islam, France’s then–prime minister, Dominique de Villepin, commented that “everyone has the right to express their opinions freely—at the same time that they respect others, of course.” The lesson of the Redeker affair, he said, was “how vigilant we must be to ensure that people fully respect one another in our society.” Villepin got a run for his money last year from his Swedish counterpart, Fredrik Reinfeldt, who, after meeting with Muslim ambassadors to discuss the Vilks cartoons, won praise from one of them, Algeria’s Merzak Bedjaoui, for his “spirit of appeasement.”

When, years after September 11, President George W. Bush finally acknowledged publicly that the West was at war with Islamic fascism, Muslims’ and multiculturalists’ furious reaction made him retreat to the empty term “war on terror.” Britain’s Foreign Office has since deemed even that phrase offensive and banned its use by cabinet members (along with “Islamic extremism”). In January, the Home Office decided that Islamic terrorism would henceforth be described as “anti-Islamic activity.”

Western legislatures and courts have reinforced the “spirit of appeasement.” In 2005, Norway’s parliament, with virtually no public discussion or media coverage, criminalized religious insults (and placed the burden of proof on the defendant). Last year, that country’s most celebrated lawyer, Tor Erling Staff, argued that the punishment for honor killing should be less than for other murders, because it’s arrogant for us to expect Muslim men to conform to our society’s norms. Also in 2007, in one of several instances in which magistrates sworn to uphold German law have followed sharia instead, a Frankfurt judge rejected a Muslim woman’s request for a quick divorce from her brutally abusive husband; after all, under the Koran he had the right to beat her.

Those who dare to defy the West’s new sharia-based strictures and speak their minds now risk prosecution in some countries. In 2006, legendary author Oriana Fallaci, dying of cancer, went on trial in Italy for slurring Islam; three years earlier, she had defended herself in a French court against a similar charge. (Fallaci was ultimately found not guilty in both cases.) More recently, Canadian provinces ordered publisher Ezra Levant and journalist Mark Steyn to face human rights tribunals, the former for reprinting the Jyllands-Posten cartoons, the latter for writing critically about Islam in Maclean’s.

Even as Western authorities have hassled Islam’s critics, they’ve honored jihadists and their supporters. In 2005, Queen Elizabeth knighted Iqbal Sacranie of the Muslim Council of Britain, a man who had called for the death of Salman Rushdie. Also that year, London mayor Ken Livingstone ludicrously praised Qaradawi as “progressive”—and, in response to gay activists who pointed out that Qaradawi had defended the death penalty for homosexuals, issued a dissertation-length dossier whitewashing the Sunni scholar and trying to blacken the activists’ reputations. Of all the West’s leaders, however, few can hold a candle to Piet Hein Donner, who in 2006, as Dutch minister of justice, said that if voters wanted to bring sharia to the Netherlands—where Muslims will soon be a majority in major cities—“it would be a disgrace to say, ‘This is not permitted!’ ”

If you don’t find the dhimmification of politicians shocking, consider the degree to which law enforcement officers have yielded to Islamist pressure. Last year, when “Undercover Mosque,” an unusually frank exposé on Britain’s Channel 4, showed “moderate” Muslim preachers calling for the beating of wives and daughters and the murder of gays and apostates, police leaped into action—reporting the station to the government communications authority, Ofcom, for stirring up racial hatred. (Ofcom, to its credit, rejected the complaint.) The police reaction, as James Forsyth noted in the Spectator, “revealed a mindset that views the exposure of a problem as more of a problem than the problem itself.” Only days after the “Undercover Mosque” broadcast—in a colossal mark of indifference to the reality that it exposed—Metropolitan Police commissioner Sir Ian Blair announced plans to share antiterrorist intelligence with Muslim community leaders. These plans, fortunately, were later shelved.

Canadian Muslim reformist Irshad Manji has noted that in 2006, when 17 terrorists were arrested in Toronto on the verge of giving Canada “its own 9/11,” “the police did not mention that it had anything to do with Islam or Muslims, not a word.” When, after van Gogh’s murder, a Rotterdam artist drew a street mural featuring an angel and the words thou shalt not kill, police, fearing Muslim displeasure, destroyed the mural (and a videotape of its destruction). In July 2007, a planned TV appeal by British cops to help capture a Muslim rapist was canceled to avoid “racist backlash.” And in August, the Times of London reported that “Asian” men (British code for “Muslims”) in the U.K. were having sex with perhaps hundreds of “white girls as young as twelve”—but that authorities wouldn’t take action for fear of “upsetting race relations.” Typically, neither the Times nor government officials acknowledged that the “Asian” men’s contempt for the “white” girls was a matter not of race but of religion.

Even military leaders aren’t immune. In 2005, columnist Diana West noted that America’s Iraq commander, Lieutenant General John R. Vines, was educating his staff in Islam by giving them a reading list that “whitewashes jihad, dhimmitude and sharia law with the works of Karen Armstrong and John Esposito”; two years later, West noted the unwillingness of a counterinsurgency advisor, Lieutenant Colonel David Kilcullen, to mention jihad. In January 2008, the Pentagon fired Stephen Coughlin, its resident expert on sharia and jihad; reportedly, his acknowledgment that terrorism was motivated by jihad had antagonized an influential Muslim aide. “That Coughlin’s analyses would even be considered ‘controversial,’ ” wrote Andrew Bostom, editor of The Legacy of Jihad, “is pathognomonic of the intellectual and moral rot plaguing our efforts to combat global terrorism.” (Perhaps owing to public outcry, officials announced in February that Coughlin would not be dismissed after all, but instead moved to another Department of Defense position.)

Enough. We need to recognize that the cultural jihadists hate our freedoms because those freedoms defy sharia, which they’re determined to impose on us. So far, they have been far less successful at rolling back freedom of speech and other liberties in the U.S. than in Europe, thanks in no small part to the First Amendment. Yet America is proving increasingly susceptible to their pressures.

The key question for Westerners is: Do we love our freedoms as much as they hate them? Many free people, alas, have become so accustomed to freedom, and to the comfortable position of not having to stand up for it, that they’re incapable of defending it when it’s imperiled—or even, in many cases, of recognizing that it is imperiled. As for Muslims living in the West, surveys suggest that many of them, though not actively involved in jihad, are prepared to look on passively—and some, approvingly—while their coreligionists drag the Western world into the House of Submission.

But we certainly can’t expect them to take a stand for liberty if we don’t stand up for it ourselves.

Bruce Bawer is the author of While Europe Slept: How Radical Islam Is Destroying the West from Within. He blogs at BruceBawer.com.

City Journal

Når det vigtige ikke kun er hvad der bliver sagt, men også hvem der siger det

Jeg ved ikke om læserbreve som dette, forfattet af en der kender islams kvindefængsel indefra, vil flytte stuerenhedens grænser, og udviske stereotype opfattelser af kritikere som os her, men man kan altid håbe. Man skal ikke være blind for at apologeternes verdensbillede opretholdes af stærke mekanismer til undgåelse af kognitiv dissonans: Ayaan Hirsi Ali der affærdiges som ‘oplysningsfundamentalist’ (… så hun er ikke bedre selv), eller Wafa Sultan der sættes i bås med vestlig højrepopulisme, uden at hendes udsagn gendrives faktuelt. Men det er altid opløftende at se læserbreve som dette her af Nahid Riazi (LFPC):

[…] Ved at tillade religiøse manifestationer og religiøse symboler på selve Folketingets talerstol lukker man religionen ind i politik ad bagdøren. Man åbner døren for enhver religiøs manifestation på den politiske scene og der, hvor politikerne skal holde deres religion og religiøse overbevisninger og symboler adskilt fra politik. […]

Det er naivt at tro, at man ved at tillade religiøse symboler i Folketinget skaber mere plads for forskellige befolkningsgrupper eller bidrager til færre konfrontationer mellem dem. Man legaliserer en opdeling af befolkningen på baggrund af dens etniske og religiøse tilhørsforhold. Man forstærker på den måde de religiøse følelser hos folk og giver mere plads til de religiøse konfrontationer.

Folketinget og ikke mindst de offentlige arbejdspladser skal være og forblive religiøst neutrale. Alt andet er et tilbageskridt i forhold til kampen for at blande religionen uden om politik. Tilladelse af optræden på Folketingets talerstol med religiøse symboler er desuden en sejr for de religiøse politiske bevægelser, herunder den islamiske bevægelse.

Optræden med tørklæde på Folketingets talerstol i Danmark er ikke en sejr for hverken demokrati eller menneskerettighederne, det er blot en sejr for den islamiske bevægelse, som i de senere årtier har skubbet menneskerettighederne tilbage til fordel for religionens magt, religiøse manifestationer og synliggørelse af de religiøse symboler på den politiske scene. Nahid Riazi, socialpædagog: Religion ad bagdøren

“Her uncles spat in her grave to show their disgust”

Vi får ofte at vide fra apologetisk side, at de såkaldte ‘æresdrab’ ikke er et specifikt islamisk fænomen, men er kulturelt, og også forekommer i førmoderne ikke-muslimske kulturer. Ud over at denne forklaring ikke begrunder hvorfor vi derved skulle være forpligtede til at modtage tilvandrede medlemmer af førmoderne kulturer, når dette er en af de medfølgende konsekvenser, så bliver problemet yderligere vanskeligt at udrydde fordi det rent faktisk i islamiske kulturer opfattes som religiøst begrundet. Måske en opgave for Jørgen Bæk Simonsen og Kate Østergaard at tage ned til Basra og forklare politichefen der at han tager helt fejl med hensyn til denne religiøse ‘kontekst’:

An Iraqi teenage girl was brutally murdered by her father in an “honour killing” after she fell in love with a British soldier in Basra.

Seventeen-year-old Rand Abdel-Qader told her best friend how she had fallen for Paul, a 22-year-old she met at a charity where she worked as a volunteer.

When her father learned she had been seen speaking to a foreigner he rushed home and butchered her, strangling and stabbing her while screaming that he was “cleansing his honour”.

He was arrested, but Iraqi police took no action. His wife has since left him and is in hiding. […]

Recalling Rand’s murder, her weeping mother Leila Hussein said: “I screamed and called out for her two brothers so they could get their father away. But when he told them the reason, instead of saving her they helped him end her life.”

Abdel-Qader Ali stood on the girl’s throat until she suffocated and then stabbed her, all the time shouting that his honour was being cleansed.

He was arrested and released within two hours. Sergeant Ali Jabbar of Basra police said: “The father has very good contacts in the Basra government.”

Because her family considered her impure, Rand was given only a simple burial. Her uncles spat in her grave to show their disgust.

Two weeks later her mother demanded a divorce from Ali, and she now campaigns against honour killings.

She lives in fear of reprisals. “I was beaten and had my arm broken by him,” she said. “No man can accept being left by a woman in Iraq.” Teenage Iraqi girl who fell in love with BRITISH soldier in Basra is murdered by her own father in honour killing

Måske skyldes det ikke politisk korrekthed og berøringsangst (the Daily Mail er en af de mest åbenmundede aviser i Storbritannien hvad angår islam), men denne interessante sætning er ikke længere med i onlineudgaven af artiklen der citeres fra her (LFPC):

Sgt Ali Jabbar of Basra police said: “Not much can be done when we have an ‘honour killing’. You are in a Muslim society and women should live under religious laws.”

Bliver Danmark så også ’skilt’ fra kone nr. 2?

Regel #1 for multikulturalister, apologeter og dhimmier: Konkrete mennesker må aldrig udvises af Danmark. Der kan altid findes gode grunde til at vi skal hænge på dem samt på eksponentielt voksende slægtsled af efterkommere. Alt andet ville være ‘uanstændigt’ og udtryk for et ‘rystende menneskesyn’ (LFPC):

Meget tyder på, at den irakiske tolk med de to koner vil lade sig skille fra den ene af dem for at undgå en opslidende retssag.

Det oplyser hans advokat, Marianne Vølund, efter at Familiestyrelsen tidligere i dag bebudede en retssag mod tolken, hvis han ikke frivilligt lader sig skille fra den ene af sine koner.

“Han har ikke truffet nogen endelig beslutning endnu, men han vil nok vælge at lade sig skille,” siger Marianne Vølund til jp.dk. […] Irakisk tolk regner med skilsmisse

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  • Janne

    Hvornår er der mødre og fædre der samlet rejser sig og i samlet flok tager afstand fra den form for diskrimination og mistænkeliggørelse af drenge?

  • Janne

    Apr 28

    “Kønsapartheid – statsfeminismen hejser det hvide flag”

    “Hvornår er der mødre og fædre der rejser sig og i samlet flok tager afstand fra den form for diskrimination og mistænkeliggørelse af drenge?”

  • Heter du Abdullah eller Tran kan du ta in en ny fru var tredje år utan frågor från Migrationsverket. Är du svensk och vill gifta dig utav kärlek trakasserar de dig med avslag efter avslag och anklagar dig för skenäktenskap. Detta kan de göra helt ostraffat eftersom man som utlänning blir kränkt om man misstänks för att fuska. Svenskar kan diskrimineras hur mycket som helst.

  • 2008

    At Pajamas Media bryder med Gates of Vienna på grund af El Inglés’ essay er en smule overraskende. For eksempel Daniel Pipes har i flere omgange berørt de samme emner.
    Der synes at være en modvilje mod, at worst case scenarios ridses op. Sandsynligvis fordi de fleste finder disse scenarier dybt skræmmende. Men når Europa har været vidne til amokløbet i det tidligere Jugoslavien, er det rimeligt at forholde sig til alle aspekter af en mulig kommende konflikt. Ikke at tage det ekstreme konfliktpotentiale, som civilisationernes sammenstød rummer, under debat er virkelighedsfortrængning i lighed med den, venstrefløjen og multikulturalisterne lider under.
    At forberede sig på det værst tænkelige og gøre op med ønsketænkningen synes at være det mest rationelle for nuværende.

  • Det er også værd at bemærke, at El Inglés ikke på nogen måde er i stand til at iværksætte et folkemord, og at både han og GoV på det skarpeste pointerede at der var tale om en rent ‘deskriptiv’, i modsætning til ‘normativ’ diskussion. Yderligere konkluderer han jo, at udryddelsesprogrammer som under nazismen ikke er mulige i dagens verden. Kan man så distancere sig mere end der er gjort her? Og alligevel kom reaktionen. At LGF ville springe ivrigt til er selvfølgelig oplagt – og de regnes ellers til at tilhøre den neokonservative højrefløj.

    Bemærk også, at der (naturligvis) ikke ligger nogen form for trussel i El Inglés’ ord, til forskel fra den offer/trusselsretorik vi bare finder os i fra muslimsk side – ‘jer er bange for at hvis tonen ikke ændrer sig vil der ske noget slemt’.

    Jeg ved ikke om Pajamas Medias reaktion var i panik eller efter pression, men historien giver et fingerpeg om debattens reelle grænser i dag. Jeg ville jo mene at det er en knaggod ting at drøfte vores fremtidsudsigter – faktisk synes jeg dette er et ret interessant og vedkommende emne – men det er efterhånden velkendt, at mange slet ikke ønsker nogen diskussion overhovedet, også når denne ikke handler om ekstreme perspektiver som her. Tænk bare på vores egne erfaringer med debat, hvor ethvert forsøg på at diskutere Europas fremtid set i lyset af islams historie og dogmatik fra de sædvanlige modstanderes side mødes med udenomssnak, ad-hominem-angreb, stråmænd, eller bagatelliseringer. Hvad grunden så end er, så er den bizarre virkelighed, at rigtig mange bare vil lade tingene udvikle sig af sig selv – de mener tilsyneladende, at det er debatten, som sættes lig med mistænkeliggørelse og hetz, der bliver en selvopfyldende profeti. På dette løse grundlag vil de altså basere deres egen og deres børns fremtid. Utroligt.

  • Jonny

    Magnus Linklater, krönikör i The Times, försvarar och bagatelliserar ärkebiskop Williams uttalanden om sharia:
    “In retrospect, Mr Phillips may conclude that this was an Archbishop of Canterbury moment rather than a Powell moment. Rather as the Archbishop found himself charged with urging the adoption of Sharia in Britain, when all he had been doing was suggesting equality of treatment for Muslims…

    No! Not another immigration debate! – Trevor Phillips was naive to talk about racial cold war. He may be open to misinterpretation
    http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/columnists/magnus_linklater/a rticle3799161.ece

  • Pål

    Det minder lidt om debatten om muslimernes antal. De fleste danskere vil nok betakke sig for at leve i et samfund med en muslimsk majoritet. Alligevel er vi på vej derhen, hvor muslimerne udgør flertallet, men det nægter folk at forholde sig til. De tror, at det nok skal gå alt sammen, og at danskerne nødvendigvis vil være i flertal i fremtidens Danmark.

    Europa er fremtidens Kosovo.

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