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messerschmidt

Dansk Folkepartis stemmesluger, Morten Messerschmidt, skriver sig ind i historien og slĂ„r blandt andre Bertel Haarder og Lone DybkjĂŠr i personlige stemmer.Morten Messerschmidt Ă„nder tidligere statsminister Poul SchlĂŒter i nakken. Dansk Folkepartis store stemmesluger ved EP-valget nĂŠrmer sig det konservative koryfĂŠ i personlige stemmer, viser optĂŠllingerne.Sidst pĂ„ eftermiddagen, med 65 byer optalt, har Morten Messerschmidt fĂ„et 210.000 personlige stemmer. Til sammenligning fik Poul SchlĂŒter 247.956 personlige stemmer i 1994, hvilket gĂžr ham til den danske politiker, der har opnĂ„et nĂŠstflest personlige stemmer nogensinde ved et EP-valg. Messerschmidt: Det er helt vildt

En lidt modvillig Svend Auken mĂ„tte  pĂ„ TV medgive, at Messerschmidt er en helt ualmindelig begavelse, ” der dog ikke er det samme  som visdom”, kunne han heldigvis tilfĂžje. Ikke for at formindske Messerschmidt, men nu har det aldrig vĂŠret sĂ„dan, at en generations bedste begavelser fĂžrst og fremmest sĂžgte ind i politik. Man kan, som vi ser, ogsĂ„ politisere fra universiteterne.

Man kan  fodre svin, nÄ ja, sÄ fÄr, med artikler som de fÞlgende: FramgÄng som förskrÀcker, Bed om gÀstfritt Europa,Vill ha ett vitt Europa. De er sÄ dÄrligt og klichefyldt skrevet, at det meget vel kan vÊre en central computer, der har formuleret dem. Tag dem, for hvad de er: journalist-spam i metermÄl, moralisme pÄ linjebetaling med  fremtiden bag sig og Europas befolkninger imod sig.

Geert Wilders of the Netherlands: Europe’s supposed shift to the right is really just a signal for a return to reality.

By Henryk M. Broder

Was it a swing to the right — or just a return to reality? The result of the EU elections is not some terrible portent of doom. Instead, it is evidence that voters reward populists like Geert Wilders, who are not afraid to address issues that other parties don’t want to touch.

There is always a certain amount of risk associated with any election. It is a truth recognized by dictators around the world — leading them to prefer predetermined results. In the last elections for the North Korean “parliament,” for example, the Democratic Front for the Reunification of the Fatherland got 100 percent of the vote and all 687 seats. It was a result that was difficult to misinterpret — and met the expectations of those involved.

The outcome of the European parliamentary elections was different. It was a disaster that became apparent as early as Thursday, when the results from the Netherlands became public. The right-wing populist Geert Wilders and his Freedom Party ended up as the second strongest party in the country behind the Christian Democrats.

Many were horrified. The correspondent for German public radio station ARD even called Wilders a “peroxide blond blowhard,” a “sleazy provocateur” and a “petty patriot.” In his commentary, the ARD correspondent went on to say that “his political program is focused entirely on demonizing Islam” and finished by saying that the Dutch should be ashamed of themselves. Spiegel Online : European Voters Know What They Don’t Want

De socialdemokratiske ledere i Danmark og Sverige synes at benytte det sammereklamebureau. MÄske fÄr de rabat: »Endnu en sejr, og jeg er fortabt«,  Mona Sahlin Àr odelat positiv till resultatet EU valet.

The Self-Hating Parliament

The next generation of EU technocrats will need to be populists as well

The European Parliament is in the throes of an early midlife crisis. This year should be a cause for a double celebration — looking back at its remarkable 30-year history as the first multinational parliament in the world, and looking forward to increased authority under the Lisbon Treaty.

But instead of being flushed with the energy of youth, the new parliament is more likely to enter a period of dramatic self-doubt. Although many newspaper headlines focus on the strong performance of center-right parties in big countries like France, Germany, Italy and Poland, the 2009 vote is more likely to be remembered for strengthening the fringes than the mainstream. This is leading to the creation of a new phenomenon in European politics: the “self-hating parliament.”

A substantial minority of its seats will be filled by members who see their role as reducing rather than expanding the European Union’s power. This is a remarkable change for a body that fought tooth and nail to extend its competencies, budgets and legal authority every time a new EU treaty was negotiated.

The paradox of the European Parliament is that as its power and confidence have grown, the public’s interest in its activities has declined, with each election recording a lower turnout than the one before. However, the verdict of 2009 is even more brutal: Many of the parliament’s new members do not even believe that the body in which they will sit should be allowed to exist at all.

Take the colorful Geert Wilders, whose anti-Islamic-immigrant party shot up to second place in the Netherlands with 17% of the vote, after the Christian Democrats who won 19.9%. He ran on a manifesto that included a pledge to abolish the European Parliament. In the United Kingdom, the two biggest parties were the euroskeptic Conservative Party (committed to abolishing the Lisbon Treaty) and the euro-loathing U.K. Independence Party (committed to getting Britain out of the EU). And the xenophobic British National Party picked up two seats with its pledge to “end the blood-sucking scam” of the EU.

In Austria, the xenophobic Freedom Party got 13% of the vote with a call to remove the EU from Austria’s affairs, compared to the conservative People’s Party that took the lead with 29.7% of the votes. A party set up to protest against the abuses of the European Parliament managed to pick up 17.9% of the vote. Anti-European populists also picked up significant support in Hungary, Denmark, Slovakia and Finland.

The notion of a “self-hating parliament” sounds like a contradiction in terms, but its appearance tells us a lot about the dynamics of the EU as a political system. From the beginning European integration has been defined by two contradictory but mutually reinforcing trends: technocracy and populism.

On the one hand, the EU is the ultimate technocratic project. The so-called “Monnet approach” — named after the key architect of European integration, the French official Jean Monnet — is designed to generate a consensus among European diplomats for limited projects of practical cross-border cooperation. Each of these projects should lead to further integration of policy areas — from Europe’s single market to its foreign policy.

By building the EU in an incremental way, the technocrats have managed to lower political temperatures in national capitals, and find agreement among bureaucrats who are more interested in negotiating deals than grand-standing for the national media. The success of the technocrats was phenomenal. They created first a coal and steel community, then a customs union, then a single market and even a single currency.

But as the EU matured as a political project, it was the very success of the EU as a bureaucratic phenomenon that fuelled a populist backlash. This first started as a localized phenomenon, with Margaret Thatcher famously wielding her handbag in Britain in the 1980s. But as the elections of 2009 demonstrate, it has now become a pan-European force. The populists come from across the spectrum of left and right, but their common complaint is that the EU is an elite conspiracy, a project to build “Europe against the people.” In its place, they plan to mobilize the “people against Europe” — leading, in the words of one senior diplomat in the Netherlands, to the “democratic destruction of the EU.”

Technocracy and populism are mirror images of each other. One is managerial, the other charismatic. One seeks incremental change, the other is attracted by grandiose rhetoric. One is about problem-solving, the other about the politics of identity.

People in Brussels talk about them as opposites; but in fact they are mutually reinforcing, as we have seen in the saga of the Lisbon treaty. On the one hand, the more EU leaders try to remove European integration from national politics, the more brittle the EU’s legitimacy becomes, which in turn means that policy makers want to evade public opinion even more. On the other hand, the more technocratic the EU becomes, the stronger the calls for democracy and referendums, which in turn create a space for parties to emerge with populist policies.

Technocracy has been with the EU since the moment that Jean Monnet turned his mind to uniting Europe. Populism has now been sanctified as part of the EU’s structure through the introduction of referendums and elections to the European Parliament. The election of the new European Parliament will be a major shock to the Brussels system.

Its diplomats, journalists and think-tanks live in the world of technocracy and understand well how it works. But they have a poor grasp of populism or the politics of the EU’s member states. If they are going to avoid total gridlock, national and EU officials will need to deepen their understanding of the domestic politics of the 27 states of the EU, and spend time analyzing and engaging public opinion.

If the EU is going to escape its mid-life crisis and acquire the poise of an authority of mature middle-age, the next generation of EU technocrats will need to be populists as well.

Mr. Leonard is executive director of the European Council on Foreign Relations.  Wall Street Journal

Den GrĂžnne Skole

En imam ble i forrige uke pÄgrepet og siktet for vold mot barn pÄ en koranskole i drammensdistriktet. Barna skal ha blitt slÄtt med stokker eller kjepper. Barna skal ha blitt slÄtt over fingrene eller ryggen, forteller politioverbetjent Nina BjÞrlo i SÞndre Buskerud politidistrikt til Drammens Tidende. IfÞlge politiet har avstraffelsen blitt brukt om barna kom for sent, om de leste koranteksten feil eller om de var urolige. Voldsovergrepene mot koranskolebarna, som er mellom seks og tolv Är gamle, skal ha pÄgÄtt i mange Är.

Helt fra 2002 har vi fÄtt opplysninger om at barn skal ha blitt utsatt for vold, sier BjÞrlo, som leder etterforskningen av saken.

Opplysningene har kommet inn til politiet som anonyme tips fra bekymrede foreldre og som bekymringsmeldinger fra skoler. Foreldrene tÞr ikke stÄ fram pÄ grunn av frykt for represalier fra miljÞet. IfÞlge NRK har tre moskeer i Drammen vÊrt i politiets sÞkelys. Imam skal ha slÄtt skolebarn med kjepp

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Peter Buch
Peter Buch
14 years ago

Fildelere, socialister og andre trĂŠnger til at kĂžle lidt af:
http://www.smhi.se/cmp/jsp/polopoly.jsp?d=103&a=41899&l=sv

Robin_Shadowes
Robin_Shadowes
14 years ago

Hej Matti! Är du samma Matti som frĂ„n Exilen? Grattis i vilket fall som helst! 🙂

Vivian
Vivian
14 years ago

Det har du rÀtt i Matti, och dom kan inte ens spela fotboll mer.

Peter Buch
Peter Buch
14 years ago

Broder i Spiegel Was der WĂ€hler nicht will:
http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/0,1518,629231,00.html

Peter Buch
Peter Buch
14 years ago

Tyskland: Alle puttes i samme gryde, fildelere og alle mulige, Wilders og hans parti nĂŠvnes og nĂŠvnes ikke:
http://www.pi-news.org/2009/06/sz-agitation-against-the-netherlands/#more-377

Matti frÄn Finland
Matti frÄn Finland
14 years ago

Steen : I Norden det Àr enbart Sverige som fortfarande sover vad invandringsfrÄgor betrÀffar. Inte för att vi i Finland eller ni i Danmark vore sÄ mycket bÀttre , men Sverige rentav snarkar. Och tar Valium ifall dom rÄkar vakna.

NĂ„ja , man ska inte ta Sverige seriöst. 😉

Victor
Victor
14 years ago

Har I forresten nogensinde linket til denne video, hvor folkene fra fredens religion drÞmmer om at fÄ danske kvinder som krigsbytte.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vEYr9gwmJpE

Victor
Victor
14 years ago

Steen – hvad laver det tyrkiske flag pĂ„ DSTs europavalgs-side???

http://www.dst.dk/valg/Valg1191212/other/startside.htm

Matti frÄn Finland
Matti frÄn Finland
14 years ago

Tjena Steen. HÀr i Finland vi (Sannfinnarna) fick nÀstan 10 % av rösterna. http://www.hbl.fi/val/#valresultat

Vi har blivit uppmĂ€rksammade av Aftonbladet , och detta ska förstĂ„s ses som en komplimang ! Bli utskĂ€lld av svenskarna Ă€r en sĂ„dan referens att man antagligen gör nĂ„gonting rĂ€tt. 🙂
http://www.aftonbladet.se/nyheter/euvalet/article5344881.ab

Jag lÀgger mÀrke till att i Norrebro det hela 33,2 % har röstat Socialistisk Folkeparti.
http://www.dst.dk/valg/Valg1191212/valgopg/valgopgOpst24.htm

Peter Buch
Peter Buch
14 years ago

OgsÄ problemer med stemmesedler i Storbrittanien:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/8088343.stm

Victor
Victor
14 years ago

Lidl eller Aldi…..HÆH!!!

Det er mig en gĂ„de, at sĂ„ mange tyskere mener, det er i orden at rulle tjekkernes, hollĂŠndernes eller danskernes nationale selvstĂŠndighed tilbage. (For slet ikke at tale om, hvor elendigt landet kĂžrer – hell, de kunne ikke en gang enes om en dĂ„sepant).

Og det er mig en gĂ„de, at nogle danskere – efter mange Ă„rhundreders krige – stadig kan tro pĂ„ vores sydlige naboer.

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